Mapping the Shape of the Housing Crisis:

Precursors to Eviction and Emergency

By David Han, Tzion Jones, Zoey Katzive, and Yicheng Lu

What makes housing harder to keep, and who is most at risk?

In this exploratory analysis, we outline potential predictors of housing insecurity with a focus on details relevant to those falling through the cracks of our housing system.

What we find:

This report observes the relationship between high eviction rates throughout Rhode Island and expected economic correlates, based on relevant accredited literature, and asks whether and to what extent these correlations indicate distinct and significantly vulnerable populations. We find significant correlations between the eviction rate and several socio-economic factors across the state. 

    Why this matters:

    Housing insecurity is a particularly important issue because it greatly influences the educational outcomes, health, and economic stability of affected individuals. While the effects of Rhode Island’s ongoing housing crisis can be felt by all homeowners and renters, this burden is distributed disproportionally across the state. Traditional measures of homelessness or housing stock shortages may not capture the needs of people on the brink of disaster, which could be a key group to study to understand how the housing crisis can be addressed effectively. 

    • Median household income is negatively correlated with eviction, — areas with more low-income households are at greater risk. 

    • Average cost of rent and utilities has been steadily on the rise in all but a few RI municipalities — housing is becoming less affordable over time, in addition to comprising an increasing portion of renters’ incomes.  

    • High eviction rates are correlated with areas where a greater proportion of housing units are very old — as housing stock continues to age and installations grow obsolete, the price of maintenance and repair will climb as well, bringing about more evictions. 

    • Annual eviction frequency has been on the rise since at least 2020, and seasonal spikes in eviction have consistently fallen around the beginning or end of most lease agreements.

    What can be done:

    In compiling this data we hope to provide a resource to assistance organizations that are interested in helping those affected but often struggle to reach people before they are already facing an eviction or other housing emergency. As it stands, these organizations often use indirect metrics as proxy estimates for the size and spread of their audience. By illustrating the geographic areas most  vulnerable to either eviction or our identified precursors, we seek to focus these organizations’ efforts, provide a starting point for further research, and to inform prospective renters and residents of apparent trends in their area. 

    Figure 1. Map of eviction rate by zip code in Rhode Island.

    While high eviction rates are a problem across the state, urban Rhode Islanders, as well as those in northeastern zip codes may be at greater risk. Between 2021 and 2023, the zip code with the highest eviction rate was 02903, comprising much of Providence and totaling approximately 14.2 evictions per 100 residents. Other zip codes surrounding Rhode Island’s largest cities such as Cranston, Pawtucket, and Woonsocket also experienced disproportionately high rates of eviction. Given that eviction rates vary geographically within the state, it is important to consider why that might be the case. 

    In the next sections, we will examine the relationship between eviction and three socioeconomic factors. Namely, we explore correlative trends in the income of renters, the affordability of housing, and the housing infrastructure itself.

    Eviction, Income, and Housing Costs

    Perhaps the most intuitive precursor to housing insecurity, household income plays a large role in the calculus of eviction. For many American renters, the 21st century has seen housing costs creep far above the traditionally recognized ideal of 30% of one’s total income. Between 1991 and 2013, the percentage of renters spending 30% or less of their income on housing shrunk over ten percentage points, from 54% to 43%. In the same amount of time, the portion of renters spending more than half of their income on housing increased from 21% to 30%. 

    Matthew Desmond (2022) argues this phenomenon can be explained by three major factors, those being a steady increase in the cost of rent and utilities, income stagnation among low-income renters, and a failure of assistance programs to cover the difference. Indeed, the price of rent in the American Northeast has been on a steady incline, increasing by roughly 37% between 2001 and 2010 (adjusted for inflation). 

    Between 1991 and 2013, the percentage of renters spending 30% or less of their income on housing shrunk over ten percentage points, from 54% to 43%. In the same amount of time, the portion of renters spending more than half of their income on housing increased from 21% to 30%. 

    The increase in utility costs has also been sharp, with Desmond reporting a 53% increase from 2000 to date. Paichen Li (2021) finds a positive correlation between average energy burden and rate of eviction within a given census tract, further suggesting that poverty, and ostensibly housing costs, remain a driving factor of the crisis.  It stands to reason that the housing crisis will disproportionately affect those low-income households already struggling to make ends meet. 

    Turning briefly to potential social determinants of household income, Seungbom Kang (2019) finds family employment structure, job insecurity, number of adult family members and number of children to be important household-level predictors of housing insecurity, controlling for both income and housing cost. 

    Households with adults suffering from serious health issues also experience housing insecurity more often than those without, but the literature indicates this may have more to do with pre-existing differences between households than health status itself. Findings by Lind & Egede (2023) suggest that expansion of Medicaid can reduce both the eviction rate and the overall number of eviction filings, further supporting the role of health expenses in housing affordability.12 It may be that the prospect of sudden medical bills prevents households from safely committing their income to rent and utilities beyond a certain threshold (e.g. 30%), leaving them more susceptible to eviction in hard times. This would align well with Kang’s finding that low-income households are at higher risk of eviction when sources of income or employment are unstable, since medical needs can add a degree of uncertainty to one’s regular expenses. 

    The general correlation between eviction, housing affordability, and lower income is reflected in our own research, as the following series of figures will demonstrate. We find a significant correlation between the median household income and eviction rate across Rhode Island zip codes. 

    Figure 2. Scatter plot showing the relationship between median household income and evictions per 100 residents, for each zip code in Rhode Island. The data is represented by points for each zip code and a line of best fit.

    Figure 2 shows a negative correlation between median household income and eviction rates. The p-value for the income variable is very small (1.92e-07), indicating that the relationship between median household income and eviction rates is statistically significant. The R-squared value for this regression is 0.3611, which suggests that around 36% of the variation in eviction rates can be explained by the univariate model, which uses median household income as a predictor.

    Many of Rhode Island’s poorest zip codes are among those hardest hit by the rising eviction rate.

     

    Zip Code

    Median Household Income ($)

    Evictions per 100 Residents

    Population

    02863

    43,092

    7.63

    22,359

    02907

    46,010

    7.30

    32,697

    02905

    53,668

    5.67

    25,674

    02860

    54,462

    6.50

    47,677

    02895

    54,483

    7.39

    43,163

    02903

    57,850

    14.21

    12,039

    02909

    58,085

    10.07

    42,629

    02914

    60,343

    2.87

    21,742

    02904

    61,853

    8.91

    31,214

    02881

    62,829

    0.60

    7,177

     

    Table 1: Median household income, eviction rate, and population for the 10 lowest-income zip codes in Rhode Island.

    Figure 3. Difference in average rental costs (2-bedroom unit, including utilities) in Rhode Island municipalities from 2018 to 2023. All values in U.S. dollars. Positive values to the right indicate rent increases and vice versa. For instance, West Greenwich leads with the highest rent increase of $1,460.17, in stark contrast to Westerly, which shows the most significant decrease of $403.42.

    Figure 3 plots the average rental cost changes across Rhode Island municipalities from 2018 to 2023, based on data from the RIHousing Rent Survey. Displayed in 2023 dollars for consistency, the data combines average rent figures for 2-bedroom units from CoStar with estimated utility costs from the 1-year American Community Survey (ACS). The graph omits municipalities with fewer than four sample properties to maintain data reliability. Municipalities are ranked by the extent of change, showcasing areas with the greatest increases down to those with the most significant decreases in rental costs.

    Figure 4. Line graph tracking eviction filings and utility prices in Rhode Island from January 2020 to January 2024. The left y-axis shows the number of Eviction filings. Utility prices, including gas (measured in dollars per thousand cubic feet, MCF) and electricity (in cents per kWh), are shown with the right y-axis. The data points are shown with different colors and styles. Interconnected by lines, the graph depicts the trend over the 4-years period.

    Note: Eviction filings data for Figure 4 are sourced from The Eviction Lab at Princeton University. Residential natural gas prices, measured in dollars per MCF, and electricity prices, measured in cents per kWh, are sourced from the U.S. Energy Information Administration. Geographic information is aligned using the Zip/Tract Bridge File provided by the U.S. Department of Housing.

    Eviction and the Age of Housing Stock

    Figure 5. Scatter plot representing the relationship between pre-war units per 100 residents and evictions per 100 residents in Rhode Island. Each point represents a unique zip code. 

    Note: The “pre-war units per 100 residents” variable was calculated by dividing each zip code’s total count of units built before 1939, dividing by population, and multiplying that number by 100. 

    The literature also suggests that the quality of housing units themselves can be a determinant of housing insecurity. In an analysis of 71 metropolitan areas across the United States, Hepburn et al. found median eviction rates to be significantly higher in older urban neighborhoods with housing stock constructed primarily before 1970.1 One explanation from the Harvard Joint Center for Housing Studies posits that the cost of improvement and repair runs much higher for old housing units as their core components grow worn or obsolete.13 For low-income households, maintenance of utilities and other important systems may represent a larger portion of their overall income, and create larger burdens.  

    In our own findings, the number of eviction filings in a particular Rhode Island zip code correlates significantly with the number of housing units constructed before WWII. This is consistent with Hepburn’s work, which found U.S. renter-occupied homes built before 1940 more than twice as likely not to meet basic home adequacy standards than those constructed from 2000 onward. 

    Figure 5 shows a positive correlation between the number of units built prior to 1939 per capita and eviction rates. The small p-value (4.39e-04) suggests that this relationship is highly statistically significant, though less so than the correlation between median household income and eviction rates. The R-squared value for this regression is 0.1847, indicating that around 18% of the variation in eviction rates can be explained by this univariate model, which uses pre-war units per capita as a predictor. 

    As the age of housing stock continues to increase in states like Rhode Island, it will be important to focus on policies and initiatives that address rising energy and weatherization-related expenses. This is especially relevant in a Rhode Island context, as winter energy prices have already seen sharp annual increases for the past 2 years. Furthermore, the literature on eviction’s relationship to extreme weather suggests that as the climate crisis worsens, extreme summer heat will contribute to housing insecurity as well, barring key policy intervention.

    That in mind, our final set of observations concern seasonal fluctuations in eviction filing, as well as general trends in the frequency of eviction over time. 

    As the age of housing stock continues to increase in states like Rhode Island, it will be important to focus on policies and initiatives that address rising energy and weatherization-related expenses. This is especially relevant in a Rhode Island context, as winter energy prices have already seen sharp annual increases for the past 2 years. Furthermore, the literature on eviction’s relationship to extreme weather suggests that as the climate crisis worsens, extreme summer heat will contribute to housing insecurity as well, barring key policy intervention.

    That in mind, our final set of observations concern seasonal fluctuations in eviction filing, as well as general trends in the frequency of eviction over time.

    Figure 6. Number of eviction filings by month in Rhode Island from 2020 to 2023.

    Figure 6 shows a year over year increase in the number of eviction filings in Rhode Island. There was a 9.9% increase in filings from 2020 to 2021, a 24.2% increase in filings from 2021 to 2022, and a 16.9% increase in filings from 2022 to 2023. According to a 2023 report from the RI Department of Housing, housing unit production in the state dropped to under 1000 permits per year after the 2008 crisis and has continued to remain low.7 The trend in eviction filings matches a trend of decreasing year over year housing unit production for the first time since 2011. The shortage of affordable housing in Rhode Island may be a byproduct of housing unit production not meeting the supply of people looking to rent.

    We can understand seasonal variations in eviction by aggregating the number of filings occurring in each month. We observed that the highest amount of filings occurred in January and the period from August to October. The lowest amount of filings occurred in April and May. The Eviction Lab described similar variations in evictions across the whole country as a predictable seasonal pattern.6 Our findings follow trends in the housing market found by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) on the starting dates of leases by month8. The highest proportion of starting dates were in the months of June to August, and the lowest proportion was found from December to February. These correlations suggest that evictions occur most frequently during the same times that people are looking for housing, in the summer and fall months. 

    Limitations

    The data analysis that we performed has some limitations. Univariate regression is an effective way to identify trends in the comparison of two variables; however, when analyzing highly complex data, univariate analysis may not be enough to draw strong conclusions. Although we can find correlations between evictions and features of the housing market, it is important to note that we cannot attribute any singular feature to the rise of eviction rates in Rhode Island. Additionally, our exploration of the housing crisis was not comprehensive. Some important risk factors were not considered, as the goal of this project was to uncover new insights for understanding the housing crisis, not to identify leading causes of eviction.

    The observations made in this report focus on publicly available data on formal court eviction filings. However, previous scholarship suggests the majority of the housing crisis iceberg may lie below the surface. The Milwaukee Area Renters Study, which surveyed about 1,100 renters between 2009 and 2011, sought to quantify the prevalence of ‘informal evictions’ that do not involve an official court filing. Survey results found that just under half (48%) of respondents who reported a forced move in the previous two years were evicted by informal means, while only 24% were processed through the court. Roughly the same amount were forced to move via landlord foreclosure, at 23%.

    These proportions may be understood as an indication that measures of the eviction rate based on ‘formal’ court filings alone risk underestimating the true severity of the issue.2 In a similar vein, Desmond warns against relying on surveys of self-reported ‘eviction’, as a forced move may not always be regarded as such by the evictee.2  In a separate report, the Government Accountability Office8 agrees with Desmond’s assessment that analysis of formal eviction filings are likely limited in scope, and a recent report by HousingRI supports the extension of these conclusions to the Rhode Island context. 

    Additional Tools and Further Reading

    Data Tool: Mapping Neighborhoods with the Highest Risk of Housing Instability and Homelessness 

    (Urban Institute)

    Data Tool: Evictions Dashboard (RIHousing) 

    Literature: Annual Housing Factbooks (HousingworksRI)

    References
    1. Hepburn, P., Rutan, D. Q., & Desmond, M. (2023). Beyond Urban Displacement: Suburban Poverty and Eviction. Urban Affairs Review, 59(3), 759-792. https://doi.org/10.1177/10780874221085676 
    2. Desmond, Matthew. “Unaffordable America: poverty, housing, and eviction: American Journal of Sociology.” In The affordable housing reader, pp. 389-395. Routledge, 2022.
    3. Kang, Seungbeom. “Why Low-Income Households Become Unstably Housed: Evidence From the Panel Study of Income Dynamics.” Housing Policy Debate 29, no. 4 (2019): 559–87. https://doi.org/10.1080/10511482.2018.1544161.
    4. Ahlquist, Steve. “Rhode Island’s Eviction Crisis: Alarming Increase in Filings and Homelessness.” Uprise RI, February 11, 2023. https://upriseri.com/eviction-labs-new-report-on-rhode-island-evictions-shows-alarming-trends/.
    5. RI Housing Rent Surveydata on trends in rent and utility prices in RI over time, from 2012-2024. Also includes rental costs by municipality which may be nice for an extra map or such.
    6. Camila Vallejo, Jacob Haas, and Peter Hepburn. Preliminary Analysis: Eviction Filing Patterns in 2022 (2022). The Eviction Lab. https://evictionlab.org/ets-report-2022/
    7. Department of Housing (2023). Rhode Island 2023 Integrated Housing Report. State of Rhode Island. https://ohcd.ri.gov/online-resources/2023-rhode-island-annual-integrated-housing-report
    8. Ben Houck (2022). Housing Leases in the US Market. Department of Labor Statistics. https://www.bls.gov/spotlight/2022/housing-leases-in-the-u-s-rental-market/home.htm
    9. https://www.gao.gov/assets/d24106637.pdf
    10.  Li, 2021
    11. https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36630137/#:~:text=Model%20estimates%20indicate%20that%20Medicaid,001
    12. https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/sites/default/files/reports/files/JCHS-Improving-Americas-Housing-2023-Report.pdf
    13. https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4664030

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